這是中國外交部發言人劉建超10月2日的指示嗎？
李登輝總統敢見，阿扁敢見，全世界文明國家的總統，都敢見達賴，現在達賴在歐盟各國拜訪，受到熱烈歡迎，馬英九是沒臉見達賴嗎？
那個為西藏人祈福的馬總統候選人呢？
那個送達賴市政之鑰的馬市長呢？
難怪當時有人指出，西藏被鎮壓時，馬英九為西藏祈福，是做假的。
達賴，他可不是宗教領袖，他根本就是觀音菩薩的化身，他也是世界人權的鬥士，是全球的哲學導師，他是這個世界最受歡迎的人，馬英九你真的不清楚嗎？
達賴，也會稱呼"President Ma"，難道上次有個記者稱呼"President Ma"，被中國外交發言人罵了一頓，所以馬英九才怕了！
馬上，主權沒了，外交沒了，國防沒了，法治沒了，民主沒了，人權沒了，自由沒了，經濟沒了，財政沒了，現在連宗教也沒了！
也許，馬總統怕達賴搞個祈福大會，讓台灣經濟變好，讓現在想跑去大陸的就不去了，那這幾個月不就白幹了！
國民黨的黨報中央日報，對這件事，只在裡面放一個中評網評論，難道這就是你要的！
馬總統，真的很行，被各國媒體取笑，忍辱負重，一點也不在乎！
在佛教徒的心中，世界是一朵蓮花，拉薩就是蓮花的中心，觀音的淨土，布達拉宮就是觀音的宮殿，達賴喇嘛就是觀音的化身，在人間道傳菩薩道。
馬英九，你最好看清楚達賴的本尊！
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(法新社報導)
December 4, 2008, 2:30 am
Dalai Lama not likely to visit Taiwan for now: President Ma
TAIPEI (AFP) - Taiwan's President Ma Ying-jeou on Wednesday made it clear that Tibet's spiritual leader the Dalai Lama is not likely to visit the island for now, as Taipei's ties with Beijing improve.
"Religious leaders are welcome to visit Taiwan... but I think at the current moment, the timing is not appropriate for that," Ma told members of the Taipei Foreign Correspondents Club, without going into details.
His remarks came after the Dalai Lama voiced his desire to visit Taiwan in a recent interview with a local newspaper in Dharamsala, the town in northern India where his exiled government had been based since a failed uprising in 1959.
But analysts said the Ma Ying-jeou administration is not likely to grant permission for such a controversial visit, which would irk Beijing . (怕激怒中國)
"This is a sensitive issue as any visit by the Dalai Lama has political implications," said George Tsai, political science professor at the Chinese Culture University in Taipei.
"Should he come, Beijing would be angry. It would do no good to Taiwan or the cross-Strait relationship," he said.
The Dalai Lama is reviled by the Chinese government, which has branded him a "monster" and accused him of trying to split the nation.
He made a historic first trip to Taiwan in March 1997 and visited the island again in 2001, triggering strong condemnation from China.
Cross-Strait tensions have eased since the China-friendly Ma (媚中馬？) took office earlier this year, promising to improve trade and tourism links with Beijing following eight years of strained relations under the previous pro-independence government
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(美聯社報導)
December 3, 2008; 4:40 AM
Taiwan president nixes Dalai Lama visit
TAIPEI, Taiwan (AP) — Taiwan's president on Wednesday ruled out a visit to his island by the Dalai Lama, a gesture likely to please rival China (取悅敵對的中國), and give new impetus to rapidly improving relations across the volatile Taiwan Strait.
The comments by Ma Ying-jeou followed reports earlier this week that the Tibetan spiritual leader wants to come to Taiwan in 2009, in what would be his third trip to the island in the past 11 years.
A Dalai Lama visit would have incensed China, which accuses him of working to undermine Chinese authority in Tibet, a Chinese autonomous region. It would also have threatened Ma's hallmark policy of reducing tensions with Beijing, the centerpiece of his six-month old presidency.
Speaking to foreign reporters in Taipei, Ma said that while Taiwan generally welcomed religious leaders' visits to Taiwan, the Dalai Lama's desire to come to the island could not now be accommodated.
"I think at the current moment the timing isn't appropriate for that," he said.
Ma didn't elaborate, but in his remarks to the reporters, he stressed his desire to expand on the wide-ranging economic agreements reached between the sides during an historic visit to Taiwan by a senior Chinese envoy early last month.
Those agreements include the initiation of direct flights and shipping across the 100-mile- (160-kilometer-) wide Taiwan Strait, and the resumption of postal links, broken nearly 60 years ago when the two sides split amid civil war.
Taiwan and Tibet share similar histories. Both are territories that Beijing believes should be under its rule. Despite a failed 1959 uprising that sent the Dalai Lama into exile, China controls Tibet and has refused the Tibetan religious leader's demand for greater autonomy.
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會晤達賴 法：由不得中決定
2008/07/11 中國時報
【大陸新聞中心／綜合報導】法國總統薩柯奇在出席九日的G8高峰會時向胡錦濤表示，他將出席八月的奧運開幕式。然而，對於薩柯奇之前表示將在八月與達賴見面一事，中國駐法國大使孔泉則認為，這已侵犯中國內政，薩柯奇不應該和達賴見面。法國外長對孔泉言論表示不滿，表示法國不會屈服於外來壓力。
薩柯奇在九日的G8高峰會上表示，他將出席奧運的開幕式。他說，令中國丟臉不是最好的方法，坦率對話更有效，你不可能抵制全球四分之一人口。
此前，由於達賴預定八月十二日至廿三日訪問法國，薩柯奇曾對外表示，他可能會安排和達賴會晤。
針對此事，中國駐法國大使孔泉八日於巴黎召開的奧運會一個月倒數計時記者會上回應說，中國堅決反對外國領導人以任何形式會見達賴，薩柯奇與達賴的會晤將會有「嚴重後果」。對於孔泉的出言威脅，法國外長庫希納於九日召見孔泉，要他就其警告薩柯奇的言論予以解釋。庫希納說，他們對於孔泉的這番言論感到非常驚訝，孔泉應該要解釋他的這段言論。法國外交部在庫希納和孔泉的會面後發表聲明說，法國將完全自主地決定本身的立場，並拒絕向任何人施加的壓力低頭。
法國總統薩柯奇今天也對歐洲議會的議員說，「我的日常活動與會晤並非由中國決定」，但他並未證實是否將會見達賴。他說：「有些事中國不能對歐洲國家說。」
薩柯奇並堅稱，他在做出參與八月北京奧運開幕式的爭議性決定之前，曾徵詢歐盟全體二十七個會員國的意見，「沒有一個國家反對我出席。」
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歐美民調：達賴與梅克爾為最受歡迎領袖
2008-12-03
〔中央社〕根據一家市場調查公司公佈的民調結果，西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛與德國總理梅克爾在歐美受歡迎的程度名列前茅；不過美國總統布希與俄羅斯總理蒲亭，卻是最具實質影響力的領袖。
美國市場調查公司「哈瑞斯互動（Harris Inter-active）」與「國際前鋒論壇報（International He-rald Tribune）」、「法蘭西24電視台（France 24）」合作，透過網路訪問法國、德國、英國、義大利、西班牙和美國等六國各 1000名的成年人，調查19 位卸任和現任的國家領導人及宗教領袖，在民眾心目中受歡迎的程度和政治影響力。
結果，達賴喇嘛、梅克爾和前英國首相布萊爾，受歡迎的程度依序排名前三名；布希和蒲亭儘管不受歡迎，卻是最具影響力的領袖。
中國國家主席胡錦濤的聲望也不高，只有一成的歐美民眾對他有好感。
有趣的是：梅克爾在義大利、法國、德國和西班牙特別受到歡迎，美國和英國對她有好感的人卻只有三成；除了在西班牙和英國，布萊爾仍享有相當高的國際聲望；至於法國總統沙柯吉則在義大利和西班牙特別受到歡迎。
調查結果也顯示，達賴喇嘛的聲望在歐美居高不下，法國、德國和義大利對他有好感的民眾高達八成，美國也有六成；達賴喇嘛在歐洲受歡迎的程度，甚至高過梅克爾和天主教教宗本篤十六世。
--------------------
達賴擬訪台 中國外交部：反對達賴搞分裂
時間： 2008/12/02
中央社
撰稿‧編輯：張子清
西藏精神領袖達賴喇嘛有意訪問台灣，中國外交部發言人劉建超2日表示，反對達賴以任何方式從事「分裂祖國的活動」。
達賴喇嘛在印度達蘭薩拉接受台灣媒體採訪時表示，有鑑於台灣與中國的關係正趨於和緩，希望明年第三度訪問台灣。
劉建超在例行記者會對此表示，台灣和西藏都是中國領土不可分割的一部分，反對達賴以任何方式從事分裂祖國的活動。
中國剛剛因為法國總統沙柯吉即將會見達賴，因而延後例行的中國歐盟峰會。
劉建超重申，中歐關係出現困難是因為歐盟輪值主席國法國，在達賴問題上不顧中方關切及中國核心利益造成的，現在是法方做出重要抉擇的時候。
對於中國網民串連抵制法國貨，劉建超呼籲中國的公眾冷靜看待中國與歐洲、法國的關係。
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外交部：堅決反對達賴到波蘭從事分裂中國活動
中新網11月27日電
北京新浪網 (2008-11-27 21:30)
針對達賴將前往波蘭議會發表演講一事，中國外交部發言人秦剛在今天的新聞發布會上表示，中國政府和人民堅決反對達賴到波蘭從事分裂中國的活動，也堅決反對波蘭領導人同他進行任何形式的接觸。
秦剛在回答提問時強調，涉藏問題事關中國的主權和領土完整，涉及中國的核心利益。中國政府和人民堅決反對達賴以任何名義在國際上從事分裂中國的活動，堅決反對外國領導人以任何形式vP達賴進行接觸。這一立場是明確的、一貫的，也是堅定的。
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中央日報網路報
中評網評論----達賴如果訪台 兩岸關係難測
http://www.cdnews.com.tw/ 2008-12-04 06:50:54
萬幸的是，馬英九對達賴問題的認識，已經遠遠超越一般人的視野！
中評網4日社評:達賴喇嘛在與中國大陸接觸無果之後，打出台灣牌，放風要訪問台灣。立刻之間，兩岸關係就在達賴的風聲中變形，達賴與台灣的特殊關係，再次在兩岸之間放大。我們可以肯定地說，如果達賴真的訪問台灣，屆時兩岸關係將發生什麽負面的變化，將遭遇什麽樣的損害，很難預測。問題之大，不可漠視。
中國大陸外交部發言人劉建超在12月2日在例行記者會上就“達賴宣佈計劃明年訪問台灣”一事表示，中方強調，台灣和西藏都是中國領土不可分割的一部分。我們反對達賴喇嘛以任何方式從事分裂祖國的任何活動。劉建超的表態，態度堅決，語氣清晰，沒有任何模糊的空間。達賴訪台，在大陸看來，絕對是分裂行徑。這樣的定性，是不會改變的。
非常欣慰的是，馬英九清醒地看到了嚴峻的問題。針對日前傳出達賴希望能在明年再次訪問台灣，馬英九昨天與外籍記者聚會時說，台灣政府歡迎世界各地宗教領袖訪台，但如果此時發簽證給達賴，時機不宜。馬英九這樣的表態，對穩定兩岸關係起到了重要的作用。
兩岸之間，對達賴訪台的定性不相同。如台灣一直認爲達賴訪台有雙重性，一是作爲政客，一是作爲宗教領袖。甚至馬英九也持有同樣的看法。對於前者，馬英九會拒絕，對於後者，馬英九表示不拒絕。馬英九曾對此作過兩次明確表態。
一是在今年5月21日上午在國際記者會上，馬英九對於是否會與達賴喇嘛見面的問題，他表示，現在沒有計劃要與達賴見面，但如果達賴喇嘛以宗教領袖的身分，想要來台訪問，“將會非常歡迎”。二是在今年7月間，《南德日報》專訪馬英九，被問及“如達賴希望再度訪台，是否受到歡迎?是否會面?”馬英九答稱：“他曾以宗教領袖的身分兩度訪問臺灣，我也曾兩度與他會面。如果他再度以宗教領袖的身份訪台，我們歡迎他。”
由此可知，馬英九頭腦十分清醒。達賴從來就是政治喇嘛，全世界都知道，西方要刺激中國大陸或者要與中國大陸討價還價的時候，其首腦就召見達賴。達賴從來就是披宗教之外衣，行西藏獨立之實。如果以爲達賴可以剝掉政治核心，那就無異以爲達賴抽掉脛骨還可以健步如飛一樣。
達賴曾經兩次訪台，都與政治有關，如今回顧，可知大陸對達賴訪台的定性如何。達賴曾於1997、2001年訪台，分別與李登輝、陳水扁會見。
大陸經過觀察分析，認爲：達賴第一次訪台持有三個政治目的：一是與台灣分裂勢力聯合，借助台灣分裂勢力為“西藏獨立”張目造勢，利用台灣問題，增加同中央討價還價的籌碼；二是企圖廢除一貫堅持“西藏是中國一部分”的台灣“蒙藏委員會”，排除障礙，為在台灣設立辦事機構打開通道；三是為分裂中國的活動募集經費。而達賴第二次訪台，主要政治目的則是：“台獨”與“藏獨”公開合流、相互利用。
也就是說，大陸對達賴訪台一直定性為分裂的政治性質的，絕對不會當作正常的宗教活動來看。
但是，現在情況已經改變，台灣不是獨台或台獨分子執政了，兩岸關係已經得到了重大的改善，國共互信已經建立，馬英九執政也得到了大陸的肯定和支持。在客觀形勢變化之下，達賴訪台也不可能掀起大浪、濁浪來。應該說，這是事實。但是，也必須看到，達賴如果獲准訪台，仍然充滿了危險性和不可預知性。
第一，如果達賴訪台，不管他做什麽，都勢必引起大陸的高度反彈。據知，從2002年起，大陸政府一直和達賴接觸，到今年已經是第九次了，今年之內就進行了三次。但是，至今沒有任何正面結果。大陸政府認定，儘管達賴說不搞獨立，但他向大陸提出的要求內涵是“半獨立”、“變相獨立”，實質上還是“西藏獨立”。大陸對此，不可能有半點鬆動。更大的不滿是，達賴自稱是非暴力主義者，但他是把非暴力的牌子舉在手裏，而對暴力活動採取縱容不管的態度。比如，拉薩“3．14”事件後，已經死了那麼多人，他還說，這是一次“和平示威”，“藏人無論做什麼事情我都不會叫停”。所以，大陸對達賴絕對不會妥協。
也就是說，如果達賴與台灣當局有實際來往，大陸也絕對不會妥協！
第二，如果達賴訪台，國際上利用達賴反華的力量將更加活躍，將予以西方更多的口實，大陸必然處在極端被動的狀態。對西方國家與達賴的勾結，大陸均毫不留情予以反擊。如原本這幾天就要舉辦的第十一次中歐領導人會晤，因爲擔任歐盟理事會輪值主席的法國領導人公開高調宣佈將於中歐領導人會晤後會見達賴，中方立即表示推遲中歐領導人會晤，毫不猶疑。此擧引起西方震動。
也就是說，如果達賴與台灣當局有實際來往，大陸的強力反制動作出臺，也不會有什麽猶豫。
第三，如果達賴訪台，兩岸關係將受到全面衝擊。一，衝撞兩岸已經達成的共識。二，衝撞馬英九政府的兩岸政策。有關輿論說得好：由於達賴訪台將嚴重踰越大陸對“九二共識”的“一個中國”內涵認知，若於明年或在馬政府任內成行，勢將衝擊現階段馬英九的大陸政策，達賴的第三次台灣行對馬政府與兩岸關係能否穩定，都是考驗。
也就是說，如果達賴與台灣當局有實際來往，目前發展良好的兩岸關係勢頭，很有可能會受到遏制。
第四，如果達賴訪台，大陸民意必然高度反彈，對兩岸民間交流交往的衝擊巨大。大陸民意過去一直對達賴不滿，而在北京奧運會舉辦之前，達賴手下的藏獨分子殺人放火，搶奪聖火，更是激起了中國人民的高度憤慨，大陸民意目前空前一致的反達賴、反藏獨，情緒高漲，民心不可侮！
也就是說，如果達賴與台灣當局有實際來往，大陸民意的不滿必將遷怒馬英九政府，對兩岸和平發展十分不利。
以上的分析推測絕對不是危言聳聽。大陸對達賴問題的高度警惕與深度憂慮，不是台灣方面可以深刻領會的。在此，從大陸的角度出發，把事實擺出來，可能有助台灣智庫的理智思考，有助兩岸關係的和平發展不受意外的干擾！
萬幸的是，馬英九對達賴問題的認識，已經遠遠超越一般人的視野！
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12/10自由之音西藏之聲音樂會
表演者 Performer：Techung、 陳永淘Chen Yung Tao
演出日期 Date：2008年12月10日 / December 10, 2008
演出時間 Time： 18:30~21:30
演出地點 Venue：大安森林公園舞台區 / Da-An Forest Park
主辦單位 Organizer：
Students for a Free Tibet 自由西藏國際學聯
http://www.studentsforafreetibet.org/
Regional Tibetan Youth Congress, Taiwan 西藏（圖博）青年議會
http://rtyc-taiwan.blogspot.com/
Taiwan Association for Human Rights 台灣人權促進會
http://www.tahr.org.tw/
關於表演者
之一>>>
Techung是一位著名的西藏歌手，目前居住在美國洛杉磯。他不僅擅長西藏的傳統音樂及歌劇，也創作現代西藏歌曲。不管是當代的或者是傳統的音樂表演，Techung期待西藏的音樂在藏人社區重新流行起來、豐富的西藏文化音樂表現也能夠讓全世界聽見。Techung Band的成員包括：Tashi Sharzur、Michel Tyabji、Kito Rodriguez、Bryan Velasco。
2003年，在德蘭薩拉所舉辦的第一屆的【西藏音樂大獎】（Tibetan Music Awards）上，Techung的創作被選為「最佳現代傳統音樂」。之後，他的音樂也被收錄在「聖母峰」（Everest）、 「夢想的拉薩」（Dreaming Lhasa）等暢銷的電影中。
Techung悠揚渾厚的歌聲，會給人一種清風拂面吹來，置身在西藏高原的感受。適逢世界人權宣言60週年，藉由【自由之音．西藏之聲（ Tibet Freedom Concert in Taipei 2008）】，希望Techung為台灣、西藏甚至全世界支持人權的人，捎來和平的訊息。
之二>>>
陳永淘（CHEN Yung Tao），所有人都叫他阿淘哥，是台灣最重要的客家歌手及創作者之一。 「阿淘哥歷經四十年豐富的生活經驗後，不斷沉澱對人生社會深刻體會而創作，內容包括對人性、社會的深刻反省及批判，並以幽默、嘲諷的手法，抒發人間實象。歌曲探討的主題寬廣，有對個人童年生活的懷念、對社會扭曲發展的唾棄、對文明慾望的質疑、對台灣原住民族群的關切，以及對現代人性失落的悲鳴。他的歌，有畫面，有生動的鄉土味，這種觸動的感覺，鮮活而真實 。」 （參考吳聲淼「 新客家童謠創作者──陳永淘」一文）
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12/10國際人權日、世界人權宣言60周年，馬英九你要用什麼身分來頒獎呢？
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11/28日星期五，達賴說台灣與中國情事漸緩，明年來台灣，應該是最適當時機，
12/1日星期一，達賴欲訪台消息，見諸世界各大報。
12/2日星期二，中國發言人，反對達賴訪台，
12/3日星期三，馬英九說，達賴訪台，現在不是適當時機，
12/5日星期五，馬英九說，歡迎達賴在適當時機訪台，
12/9日星期二，馬英九接受民是專訪說，拒絕達賴訪台，變成沒說不歡迎，只是沒協商。協商幹麻？達賴又沒說要見馬！協商要達賴不要來嗎，既然沒協商，又幹麻放話。
什麼是適當時機？中文還真的優雅婉轉。
以後有人向你借錢，
你可以說，現在不是借錢給你的適當時機，
不然也可以說，等適當時機我再借錢給你，
再不然就說，你的聲音我都聽到了，我都理解。
看看台灣媒體如何配合愚民，看看國外媒體如何粗俗不堪。
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自由時報：馬重申達賴此時不宜訪台
中國時報：馬改口：適當時機 歡迎達賴訪台
聯合報：馬：適當時機歡迎達賴來台
民眾日報：馬：適當時機非常歡迎達賴
台灣時報：馬：現在不是達賴訪台最好時機
中華日報：馬：適當時機歡迎達賴來台
青年日報：馬總統：歡迎達賴適當時機訪台
Taiwan's president says no to visit by the Dalai Lama
Taiwan president nixes Dalai Lama visit
Taiwan president rules out Dalai Lama visit
Dalai Lama not welcome to visit Ma
Taiwan President Ma again plays down Dalai Lama visit
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原來達賴和熊貓，只能二選一，顯然熊貓價值比較高，難怪要花上億元蓋別墅給熊貓住，每年也要花上千萬元來照顧，看來達賴要扮成熊貓，才能來台灣了。
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中国统战部：中央与达赖代表商谈分歧仍很大(记者会全文)
国新办2008年11月10日上午10时举行新闻发布会，中央统战部常务副部长朱维群介绍了近期中央与达赖喇嘛私人代表接触商谈情况，并回答记者提问。中国网现场直播。
朱维群说，我们在与甲日一行谈话时首先指出，在今年7月接触时，你们曾经表示做到中央提出的“四个不支持”没有困难。但是此后你们食言而肥，完全没有履行承诺，抵制和破坏北京奥运会的行为不仅没有停止，反而进一步升级；继续攻击中央政府，支持“藏青会”等组织公开搞“西藏独立”，煽动组织暴力活动；继续推动“西藏问题”国际化，企图利用一些外国人对中央政府施压；继续勾结“民运”分子、“法轮功”、“东突”等败类，企图制造反对中央政府、分裂祖国的“统一战线”。你们的行为激起全国人民的强烈反感，激起了全球华人、华侨、留学生的强烈反感。
朱维群说，甲日等到北京后，向我们提交了一份《为全体藏民获得真正自治的备忘录》。此次甲日·洛迪一行到北京的主要目的就是向中央提交这份“备忘录”。针对“备忘录”声称“西藏流亡政府是广大藏民的利益和藏人的代表者”的谬论，我们严正指出：代表西藏各族人民的是中国中央人民政府及中央领导下的西藏自治区人民政府。所谓“西藏流亡政府”是少数分裂主义分子1959年发动武装叛乱失败后逃亡外国的产物，搞了几十年分裂破坏活动，它的存在就是非法的，全世界也没有任何一个国家承认它。
朱维群说，我们只接受甲日等人作为达赖喇嘛的私人代表与我们接触商谈，谈的只能是达赖喇嘛彻底放弃分裂主义主张和活动，争取中央和全国人民谅解，解决其个人前途问题，最多再加上他身边一些人的前途问题。我们根本不会与之讨论什么“西藏问题”。为了使达赖喇嘛进一步了解中央的态度，认识自己的错误，我们在接触商谈当中可以听取其解释，目的还是检验达赖喇嘛有没有放弃分裂主张而向中央要求靠拢。这个意思并不是什么新的意思，在以往的历次接触商谈当中我们一直坚持这样的立场，而且早早就跟达赖喇嘛讲清楚了。
朱维群说，我们指出，尽管“备忘录”故意使用大量晦涩不清的语言，但可以清楚地看出，你们并没有放弃一贯的分裂主义主张。“备忘录”列出了有关“ 真正自治”的各项条款，把中央的统一领导与民族区域自治对立起来，企图否定、限制和削弱中央政府的权力，否定全国人民代表大会的最高立法权威，甚至企图由你们这个分裂主义集团来修改《宪法》，从而使你们实际上拥有相当于独立国家的权利。
“备忘录”尽管借用中国宪法和民族区域自治法的个别词句，进行了包装、点缀，但是从标题到内容还是“大藏区”、“高度自治”那一套，也就是我们早就指出的“半独立”、“变相独立”，实质还是“西藏独立”那一套，这一套与宪法是根本不相容的。我这里说这一番话也是给各位，以及世界上关心中央政府同达赖喇嘛关系问题的人士，提供对这个“备忘录”的解读。
朱维群说，针对“备忘录”要求“把所有藏人自治区域合并为一个自治区”的要求，我们指出，藏民族自治地方的建立和区域的划分，是遵照宪法原则，在充分尊重历史事实，综合考虑政治、经济与现实条件的基础上确立的。所谓“大藏区”，历史上不存在，更没有现实的基础和根据。
朱维群说，我国《民族区域自治法》规定：“民族自治地方一经建立，未经法定程序，不得撤销或者合并；民族自治地方的区域界线一经确定，未经法定程序，不得变动；确实需要撤销、合并或者变动的，由上级国家机关的有关部门和民族自治地方的自治机关充分协商拟定，按照法定程序报请批准。”我们指出，你们既不是“上级国家机关的有关部门”，也不是“民族自治地方的自治机关”，连个合法身份都没有，说得客气一点，你们提出这个问题是不适宜的。说得直白一点，你们没有提出这个问题的资格。
朱维群说，谈之前，查阅了80年代初中央领导和有关部门同达赖派出回国的参观团中的有关人接触时的谈话记录。上世纪80年代初，习仲勋等中央领导同志就向达赖喇嘛派出的参观团（甲日·洛迪先生也是这个参观团的成员）严肃指出：把西藏搞成一个国家不成，搞所谓的“高度自治”也不成；搞什么大藏族自治区，这个根本不现实，也绝不可能。时隔二十多年，你们还是用这一套同中央兜圈子，表明恰恰是你们缺少起码的诚意。迄今接触商谈没有进展，责任完全在你们。
朱维群说，我们在谈话当中严肃地指出，祖国的统一、领土的完整、民族的尊严，是中国人民的最高利益所在。在这些问题上，我们在任何时候、任何地方，对任何人不会做丝毫的退让。中央对达赖喇嘛回到爱国立场上的大门始终是敞开的，今后也是敞开的；但是对“西藏独立”、“半独立”、“变相独立”这一套，以前没有开过门，今后也不会开。
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《全體西藏民族實現名符其實自治的建議》
第一、介紹
2002年與中華人民共和國中央政府恢復對話以後，十四世達賴喇嘛的代表與中央政府代表之間多次進行了會談，其間，我方詳細闡釋了西藏人民的真實願望。以互利為基礎的中間道路之精神是，西藏民族在不違背中華人民共和國憲法宗旨的情況下，得到名副其實的民族自治地位。這也是基於藏漢民族眼前和長遠的利益。我們明確做出了不尋求獨立或分裂的承諾，並設法通過名符其實的民族自治來解決西藏問題。這完全符合中華人民共和國憲法中有關自治的條款。而且保護和發展西藏民族的特性與形式，不僅對整個人類，對藏漢民族尤為有利。
2008年7月1至2日舉行的第七次會談期間，中共政協副主席。中央統戰部部長杜青林先生表達了希望達賴喇嘛對西藏的穩定和發展提出建議或意見的呼籲；中央統戰部常務副部長朱維群也表示希望聽到藏人所尋求的自治的標準或形式，以及在不違背中華人民共和國憲法的情況下，我方對地方區域自治的看法。因此，本建議詳細闡釋了我們對名符其實自治的立場，以及根據我們對中華人民共和國憲法的理解，若能確實執行，可以滿足西藏人民特別利益要求的立場。達賴喇嘛也相信，中華人民共和國的框架下，如果實行名符其實的自治，則西藏人民的基本需求應可以得到滿足。中華人民共和國是一個多民族的國家，和別的國家一樣，通過賦予各少數民族自治的權利來解決民族問題。中華人民共和國憲法有關自治的基本原則和目的，與西藏人民的需求和願望是相符的。民族區域自治的目的是在拋棄大漢族主義和地方民族主義的前提下，避免民族壓迫和民族分裂，通過賦予各民族當家作主的權利，以保障各少數民族的特性和文化。
根據我們的理解，憲法有關自治的原則，可以在一定程度上滿足藏人的需求。憲法在一些相關問題上，對相關國家機關在自治問題上賦予了特別解決或實施的權利，要實現基於西藏特性而實施的名符其實的自治，施行上述各項特殊權利是必須的。在施行過程中，為了與西藏民族的需求和特性相適宜，可能需要對某些自治條款重新進行研究和調正。如果雙方真的具有誠意，則目前的所有問題都可以通過憲法規定的自治原則得到解決。如此，則國家的統一穩定，藏民族與其他各民族間的和諧親密關係等均可實現。
第二、尊重西藏民族的同一性
拋開現行的行政區劃，所有藏人做為同一的民族，統一聚居的現實必須得到尊重。這不僅符合憲法有關民族區域自治的宗旨，目的和基本原則，而且也是實現民族平等的基礎。
不論語言，文化，佛教傳統或是獨特的風俗習慣等，西藏民族具有同一的民族屬性是不爭的事實。西藏民族不僅具有共同的歷史，而且不論其政治或行政區域如何地分合，其宗教，文化，教育，語言，生活習慣，地理環境等始終都是統一的。
以地理環境而言，所有藏人都聚居在高原地帶。由於西藏民族幾千年來一直居住在西藏高原，因此西藏民族也是西藏高原的原住民族。根據憲法有關民族區域自治的原則，事實上藏人做為一個民族世代居住在整個西藏高原。
基於上述事實，中華人民共和國也承認西藏民族是55個少數民族中的一個民族。
第三、藏人的真實期望
西藏民族有它獨特的歷史，文化，宗教和傳統風俗習慣，這一切也是人類文明寶貴的一部分。西藏民族希望保存祖先留下的這些寶貴遺產，並根據二十一世紀的需求，弘揚和發展這些宗教與文化遺產。
如果做為多民族之中華人民共和國的一員而共處，則西藏民族將會從國家的經濟與科學發展中得到巨大利益，我們希望在這一發展過程中盡己一份力，共同協力配合。同時，西藏民族也希望西藏民族的特性，民族文化和精神得以保存和延續；希望西藏民族自古以來世代居住之脆弱的高原生態環境能夠得到保護。
對西藏民族特殊性的承認是一直的，這一點在十七條協議，以及歷屆中華人民共和國領導人的講話或政策中都有明確的表現。確定西藏民族的自治地位和自治形式等都是基於這一點的。憲法也確定了根據少數民族的不同特性和需求而予寬容對待的基本原則。
達賴喇嘛有關在中華人民共和國的框架下，解決西藏問題的立場是明確堅定的。達賴喇嘛所秉持的立場，與鄧小平先生所重申「只要不談西藏獨立，其他問題都可以協商解決」的精神是完全符合的。我們尊重中華人民共和國的領土統一，同時也希望中央政府承認和尊重西藏民族在中華人民共和國的範圍內實行同一的，名符其實之民族區域自治的權利。這是化解彼此矛盾的基礎，也是中華人民共和國各民族間實現團結，和諧與穩定的近因。
西藏民族的特性之發展要順應全球，尤其是國內的發展；同時，經濟，社會和政治的發展，必須要尊重和愛護西藏民族自己的特點。要實現這一切，就必須要承認西藏人民的自治權利，而且其實施要符合藏人自己的需求，特性和重點，並涵蓋所有西藏民族聚居的地區。
由於保護西藏的民族文化和特性，只能靠藏人自己，其他任誰也沒有辦法達成。因此，西藏人民要在自我幫助，自我發展和自我治理與中央政府或各省區對西藏的幫助指導之間掌握平衡，這是極為重要的。
第四、藏人的基本需求及自主管理
[1] 語文
語文是表現民族本質的最重要的特征。藏語不僅是藏族互相溝通的語言，而且也是我們書寫文章，歷史，佛學教義或科學技術等知識的唯一語言文字。藏語文是一個與梵文相媲美的文字，具有很高的表達能力，從梵文翻譯的內容，不論詞意，藏語文是唯一可以還原梵文的語言文字，因此，藏語文不僅是世界上音譯最多和最好的文字，而且也被一些學者推崇為著作最豐富和數量最多的文字。
憲法第四條規定，各民族都有使用和發展自己語言文字的自由，從而保障了使用各自語言文字的權利。西藏民族在使用和發展自己語言文字中，藏語文是首要的，必須要得到尊重。各藏族自治地區的語言文字也應以藏文文為主。
這一觀點在憲法第一百二十一條中有明確寬泛的認可：「民族自治地方的自治機關在執行職務時，依照本民族自治地方自治條列的規定，使用當地通用的一種或者幾種語言文字」。在《民族區域自治法》第十條裡也規定：「民族自治地方的自治機關保障本地方各民族都有使用和發展自己的語言文字的自由」。
《民族區域自治法》第三十六條也明確規定；「民族自治地方的自治機關根據國家的教育方針，依照法律規定，決定本地方的教育規劃，各級各類學校的設置，教學內容，教學用語和招生辦法等規則」。這一條款認同了在藏族地區使用藏語文教學的觀點。
[2] 文化
實行民族區域自治的根本目的是為了保護少數民族的文化，因此中華人民共和國憲法第二十二條，四十七條，八十九條，以及民族區域自治法第三十八條等都規定了有關保護文化的條款。西藏的文化與藏人的宗教，傳統，語言和特性等有著極為密切的連繫，現今的西藏文化在各方面都面臨著極大的困難。生活在多民族的中華人民共和國領域內的西藏民族，要依照憲法所保障的權利，保護自己民族的獨特文化。
[3] 宗教
宗教涉及西藏的根本問題，佛教與我們的本質有著密切的聯繫。我們雖然認同政教制度的分離是很重要的，但不能因此侵犯信徒的自由和宗教實踐。對西藏人民而言，如果沒有信仰自由和思想自由，則其他的個人或集體自由都是無法想像的。憲法強調和保障了宗教信仰與宗教活動的自由。憲法第三十六條明確保障了公民的宗教信仰自由和權利，規定“任何國家機關，社會團體和各人不得強制公民信仰宗教或者不信仰宗教，不得歧視信仰宗教的公民和不信仰宗教的公民” 。
將憲法的上述條款，以國際通用的標准去闡釋的話，信仰或實踐的方式也包含在宗教自由的範圍內，這些自由包括根據宗教傳統管理寺院，研習和實踐教法，根據宗教制度確定入寺僧侶的人數和年齡，以及自由從事講經說法等宗教儀式和活動。因此，對一般的宗教活動，包括師徒關系，寺院管理，轉世靈童的認證等事務，政府都不應進行干涉。
[4] 教育
西藏人民希望通過與中央教育部們的合作，制定屬於西藏自己的教育制度和自主進行管理的願望，在憲法的相關規定和精神中得到支持。西藏人民同樣也希望參與科學技術的發展。在科學發展的過程中，我們同時也可以看到佛教的心理學，哲學和宇宙學等方面所發揮的作用正在越來越多地獲得國際社會的認同。
憲法第十九條規定，國家要保障公民享有義務教育。憲法第一百一十九條規定「民族自治地方的自治機關自主的管理本地方的教育事業……」。民族區域自治法第三十六條裡也有類似的規定。
有關決策方面，由於自治的權限不明確，因此需要強調的是，對藏民族的教育必須要施行名符其實的自治，這一點也得到了憲法有關自治原則的支持。
有關藏人希望參與科技發展的願望，在憲法（第一百一十九條）和民族區域自治法（第三十九條）中，對民族自治地方參與發展科學技術的權利做了明確的認定。
[5] 環境保護
西藏是亞洲諸多河流的源頭，也是世界的屋脊，地大物博，擁有豐富的礦產和森林等資源。西藏民族的環保傳統是基於不分人類或動物，敬重一切生命而不予傷害之理念所產生，因此西藏特殊的環境得到保護，沒有遭到污染。
目前，西藏的生態環境正在遭到難於恢復的破壞，這一點從西藏的草地，農田，森林，水源以及野生動物所受到的影響中可見一斑。因此，根據民族區域自治法第四十五條和六十六條之規定，依照西藏過去的環保觀念和傳統，應賦予西藏制定環保政策以及進行管理的權利。
[6] 有關自然資源的使用
憲法和民族區域自治法都認可自治地方的自治機構，在保護和管理自然生態環境與自然資源方面的責任（民族區域自治法第二十七條，二十八條，四十五條，六十六條，憲法第一百一十八條亦規定要照顧民族自治地方的利益）。民族區域自治法確認「民族自治地方的自治機關保護，建設草原和森林」（第二十七條），規定「對可以由本地方開發的自然資源，優先合理開發利用」（第二十八條）。
土地所有權是利用自然資源，增加稅務和收入以提升經濟的基礎。因此在自治地區，所有不屬於國家的土地，應賦予自治民族依法獨享出租或交易等的權利，此點極為重要。同時，在符合國家發展規劃的情況下，自治地方應具有自行制定或推展發展計劃的權利。
[7] 經濟發展和貿易
發展西藏地區的經濟是必要的。在中華人民共和國的範圍內，西藏屬於經濟最落後的地區之一。
憲法確認民族自治機關根據地方的特點和需要，制定經濟建設的方針。（憲法第一百一十八條，民族區域自治法二十五條）。也確認民族自治地方的自治機關有管理地方財政的自治權（憲法第一百一十七條，民族區域自治法第三十二條）。並規定，國家從財政，物資，技術等方面幫助各少數民族加速發展經濟建設和文化建設事業（憲法第一百二十二條，民族區域自治法第二十二條）。
同樣，民族區域自治法第三十二條裡也規定，類似西藏這樣與其他國家接壤的自治地方，可以展開對外經濟貿易活動或邊界貿易。對於與其他國家有著文化，宗教，民族和經濟等共同特性的西藏人民而言，這一點尤為重要。
中央和各省的幫助雖然可以暫時獲益，但如果西藏人不能自食其力而需要依賴別人生存時，這將會是巨大的災難。因此，促使西藏人經濟自立也是實行自治的重要目的之一。
[8] 民眾的衛生
憲法規定政府賦有為民眾提供衛生和醫療服務的責任（憲法第21條）。憲法第一百一十九條裡也認定這是自治地方的責任，民族區域自治法第四十條裡也認定，民族自治地方的自治機關，自主解決本地方的醫療衛生事業的發展規劃，發展現代醫藥和民族傳統醫藥。依照上述條款的宗旨，民族自治機關必須要具有滿足所有藏人衛生需求的條件和能力。同樣要具備依照傳統將藏醫和天文曆法加以實施和發展的能力。
[9] 公共安全
解決關係民眾安全問題之工作人員或安全人員中，擁有了解和尊重地方傳統和風俗習慣的人員是極為重要的。
自治和全權管理自己事務的主要責任之一是，管理民眾的內部秩序，以及自治地方的安全。憲法第一百二十條和民族區域自治法第二十四條規定；「民族自治地方的自治機關依照國家的軍事制度和當地的實際需求，經國務院批准，可以組織本地方維護社會治安的公安部隊」。
[10] 管理外來移民方法的制度
民族區域自治和自主管理自身事務的根本目的，是為了保障少數民族的特性，文化和語言，以及落實當家作主的權利。允許甚至鼓勵漢族或其他民族人口向少數民族地區的大規模遷移，從根本上違背了民族區域自治的目的和理念。由於人口遷移所帶來的人口結構變化，將使藏漢民族的團結或統一無從談起，取而代之的是西藏的民族特性和獨特文化的日漸滅亡，藏民族也會消失在漢民族當中。同樣的，漢族或其他民族大量遷移到西藏各地，將會從根本上改變施行民族區域自治的基本構成要件，因為「少數民族聚居」區域實行自治的憲法之基本要件由於人口移民而被根本改變或遭到漠視。如果不阻止這類的大規模移民，則西藏民族終將難於聚族而居，從而失去憲法有關民族區域自治的權利。這種做法完全踐踏了憲法有關民族問題的精神原則。
中國曾經嚴格控制內部的人口遷徙和居留，但民族自治機構管理「外來」移民的權力卻極為有限。我們認為，為了尊重自治的原則和理念，給予各自治機關對中華人民共和國其他地區的人民在西藏居留，定居，工作或其他經濟活動自主制定相關法規的權利是極為重要的。
我們並沒有將定居西藏或長期留居西藏的其他民族成員驅走的想法。我們所擔心的僅僅是，鼓勵以漢族為主的其他民族成員大量移居西藏的結果，將會改變現有的西藏社會結構，西藏民族因此成為少數而被邊緣化，脆弱的西藏自然生態環境遭到無可挽回的破壞。
[11] 與其他國家在文化，教育，科學，宗教等領域的交流
在有關自治的內涵中，民族區域自治法第四十二條還規定，在文化，藝術，教育，科技，衛生，體育，宗教，環境，經濟等方面，與中華人民共和國境內各民族或各省市自治區的交流固然重要，同時，自治地區還有與其他國家進行交流的權利。
第五、對在中華人民共和國內的西藏人要進行統一的管理
基於西藏人民的上述基本需求，通過實施民族區域自治，保護和發展西藏的民族特性，文化以及佛教傳統，並在尋求發展的過程中，現今被中華人民共和國賦予自治地位的所有藏族地區，需要納入統一的自治管理範圍內。現今的行政區域劃分，將西藏人分散在中華人民共和國的自治區和許多省份當中，從而造成藏人被分散割裂，各個地區發展不平衡，同時也嚴重削弱了保護和弘揚民族特性，文化與佛教傳統的力量。這一政策不但沒有尊重西藏民族的統一性，反而進行民族分裂，對西藏民族的統一性制造障礙，踐踏了民族自治的精神。在新疆和蒙古等主要的少數民族地區，大部分人民都包含在各自的自治區域內，而聚居的西藏民族卻被劃並不同的省區，彷彿在對待不同的民族 。
將目前分散在各種自治地區的所有藏人統一在一個自治體系下，不僅符合憲法第四條的相關規定和精神，而且民族區域自治法第二條也規定：「各少數民族聚集的地方施行區域自治」。民族區域自治法的序言中也記載：「民族區域自治制度是由中國共產黨為了解決民族問題而制訂基本政策。民族區域自治是在國家的統一領導下，各少數民族聚集的地方實行區域自治，設立自治機關，行使自治權。實行民族區域自治，體現了國家充分尊重和保護各少數民族管理本民族內部事務權利的精神，體現了國家堅持實行各民族平等，團結和共同繁榮的原則」。
西藏民族在中華人民共和國範圍內享受自治權利時，如果能夠統一普及到整個西藏民族地區，將有助於實現具實質意義的民族區域自治。
民族區域自治法也傾向於認為民族區域自治的邊界是可以進行調整的。根據憲法有關自治的基本原則，尊重藏人統一性的願望完全是合法合理的，為此而改變部分行政管理範圍並不違背憲法精神，而且也有許多前例可循。
第六、自治的本質和架構
能否實現名符其實的自治，將依賴於上述各項自治問題以及藏人在這些問題上實施自治的程度或自治方式。因此需要考慮的是，如何才能制定和實行適合藏民族的特殊狀況和基本需求的法規。
要實現名符其實的自治，藏人還要有制定符合自己需求和特點的地方政府，政府組織，以及制度的權利。自治地方的人民代表大會，對本地方所有（涉及上述自治的）問題有制定法規的權力，以及在自治政府各部門的實施權利和自由決定的權力，自治權利也包括在中央國家級的相關權利機關中安置代表並發揮實質作用。為了使自治充分發揮效力，其商討方式必須具備功效，在相互關連密切或共同利益上，中央和地方政府要建立起合作解決的途徑。
實現名符其實自治的最重要條件之一是，要保障憲法和其他法律單方面取消或修改賦予各自治地方的權利和職責。也就是說，不論中央或自治地方，在未經另一方同意的情況下，不得擅自修改自治的基本條款。
有關符合西藏實際和需求之名符其實自治的範圍和特點，要根據憲法第一百一十六條（民族區域自治法第十九條）的相關規定，在自治條列中做出詳細的解釋，如果適當的話可以為此另外制定法規。包括第三十一條在內的憲法相關條款中，對於類似西藏這樣有著特殊地位的地區，在尊重國家的社會，經濟和政治制度的情況下，規定可以相應地適當放寬。
憲法第三章第六節也認定，民族區域自治地區具有自治政府和制定法規的權利，因此憲法第一百一十六條（民族區域自治法第十九條）規定：「依照當地民族的政治，經濟和文化的特點，制訂自治條列和單行條列」的權力。同時，憲法在很多方面賦予行政自治的權利（憲法第一百一十七到一百二十條），規定自治機關在適合地方的需求下，依照地方的實際情況，貫徹執行國家的法律。（憲法第一百一十五條）。
上述這些法律條件雖然對自治機關的決策權限造成一定的阻礙，但是憲法不僅接受了自治機關可以依照適合地方的需求制定法規和政策，而且，這些法規政策甚至可以和包括中央在內的其他機關所規定的不一致。
正如我們說明的那樣，藏人的需求與憲法的自治原則大致相符合，但在真正實施過程中，目前，由於種種原因而造成許多阻礙，甚至失去效力。
實施名符其實的自治，還需要權力分配，如中央和自治地方對一些問題的雙方權責問題進行明確分配等。就目前而言，在這些方面不僅沒有清楚的分配，自治地方的立法權利也沒有落實，仍遭到很大的阻礙。因此一方面憲法對於自治地方在很多問題上認定具有制定法規的特殊需求，但是另一方面根據憲法第一百一十六條的規定，卻必須要得到中華人民共和國全國人民代表大會常務委員會的批准，所以自治的原則在實施過程中多有阻礙。正式規定需要這種批准的只有自治地方的人民代表大會，中華人民共和國內各省的人民代表大會不需要得到這樣的批准，在制定地方性法規時，（非自治的）各省只要報全國人民代表大會常務委員會備案即可（憲法第一百條）。
在真正實行自治方面，依照憲法第一百一十五條之規定，必須要遵循諸多的法規和章程，其中一些法規甚至對自治地方的自治造成很大的阻礙，有些法規相互矛盾。因此自治的真實標准並沒有明確的落實，國家上級機關單方面制定法規和章程，甚至政策的改變也是單方面決定。如果中央和地方政府之間，對自治的標準和實施方面出現不同的看法，則缺乏為解決問題或進行溝通的足夠途徑，實事上並沒有明確的規定，這使得地方領導的工作受到阻礙，對西藏民族施行名符其實的自治也造成障礙。
此時，我們沒有為了這些問題和實行名符其實的自治而詳述藏人困難的意願，但是為了在往後的會談中，能夠適當的解決問題而做為例子而在此提出。我們會繼續學習憲法和有關法律，並在適當的時候發布我們所知道的研究結果。
第七、未來前進方法
正如本建議的開頭所述，我們相信西藏人民的需求與中華人民共和國憲法有關自治的原則相符合。我們的目的是，就如何讓這些需求與中華人民共和國的架構相配合而進行討論。正如達賴喇嘛經常強調的那樣，我們並沒有任何隱藏的計劃，也絕對沒有在得到真正自治後，依此做為脫離中華人民共和國跳板的目的。
西藏流亡政府象徵著西藏人民的利益和西藏人民的代表，我們之間就上述問題和相關議題達成協議後，西藏流亡政府將失去存在的必要而會立即解散。事實上達賴喇嘛已多次聲明，他個人在未來將不會擔任任何政治職務。在實現和解的過程中，為了得到藏人必要的支持，達賴喇嘛願意為此竭力發揮其影響力。
以這個承諾為基礎，第二步應該就本建議所提出的相關問題進行具實質意義的討論。為此願意就尋求共識，以及程序或時間等方面進行討論決定。
【轉載於國際西藏郵報11月16日報導】
英文版 http://www.freetibet.org/about/memorandum-genuine-autonomy-tibetan-people
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MEMORANDUM ON GENUINE AUTONOMY FOR THE TIBETAN PEOPLE
I INTRODUCTION
Since the renewal of direct contact with the Central Government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 2002, extensive discussions have been held between the envoys of His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama and representatives of the Central Government. In these discussions we have put forth clearly the aspirations of Tibetans. The essence of the Middle Way Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC. This is of mutual benefit and based on the long-term interest of both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. We remain firmly committed not to seek separation or independence. We are seeking a solution to the Tibetan problem through genuine autonomy, which is compatible with the principles on autonomy in the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The protection and development of the unique Tibetan identity in all its aspects serves the larger interest of humanity in general and those of the Tibetan and Chinese people in particular.
During the seventh round of talks in Beijing on 1 and 2 July 2008, the Vice Chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference and the Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Du Qinglin, explicitly invited suggestions from His Holiness the Dalai Lama for the stability and development of Tibet. The Executive Vice Minister of the Central United Front Work Department, Mr. Zhu Weiqun, further said they would like to hear our views on the degree or form of autonomy we are seeking as well as on all aspects of regional autonomy within the scope of the Constitution of the PRC.
Accordingly, this memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the specific needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government can be met through application of the principles on autonomy of the Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, as we understand them. On this basis, His Holiness the Dalai Lama is confident that the basic needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met through genuine autonomy within the PRC.
The PRC is a multi-national state, and as in many other parts of the world, it seeks to resolve the nationality question through autonomy and the self-government of the minority nationalities. The Constitution of the PRC contains fundamental principles on autonomy and self-government whose objectives are compatible with the needs and aspirations of the Tibetans. Regional national autonomy is aimed at opposing both the oppression and the separation of nationalities by rejecting both Han Chauvinism and local nationalism. It is intended to ensure the protection of the culture and the identity of minority nationalities by powering them to become masters of their own affairs.
To a very considerable extent Tibetan needs can be met within the constitutional principles on autonomy, as we understand them. On several points, the Constitution gives significant discretionary powers to state organs in the decision-making and on the operation of the system of autonomy. These discretionary powers can be exercised to facilitate genuine autonomy for Tibetans in ways that would respond to the uniqueness of the Tibetan situation. In implementing these principles, legislation relevant to autonomy may consequently need to be reviewed or amended to respond to the specific characteristics and needs of the Tibetan nationality. Given good will on both sides, outstanding problems can be resolved within the constitutional principles on autonomy. In this way national unity and stability and harmonious relations between the Tibetan and other nationalities will be established.
II RESPECT FOR THE INTEGRITY OF THE TIBETAN NATIONALITY
Tibetans belong to one minority nationality regardless of the current administrative division. The integrity of the Tibetan nationality must be respected. That is the spirit, the intent and the principle underlying the constitutional concept of national regional autonomy as well as the principle of equality of nationalities.
There is no dispute about the fact that Tibetans share the same language, culture, spiritual tradition, core values and customs, that they belong to the same ethnic group and that they have a strong sense of common identity. Tibetans share a common history and despite periods of political or administrative divisions, Tibetans continuously remained united by their religion, culture, education, language, way of life and by their unique high plateau environment.
The Tibetan nationality lives in one contiguous area on the Tibetan plateau, which they have inhabited for millennia and to which they are therefore indigenous. For purposes of the constitutional principles of national regional autonomy Tibetans in the PRC in fact live as a single nationality all over the Tibetan plateau.
On account of the above reasons, the PRC has recognised the Tibetan nationality as one of the 55 minority nationalities.
III TIBETAN ASPIRATIONS
Tibetans have a rich and distinct history, culture and spiritual tradition all of which form valuable parts of the heritage of humanity. Not only do Tibetans wish to preserve their own heritage, which they cherish, but equally they wish to further develop their culture and spiritual life and knowledge in ways that are particularly suited to the needs and conditions of humanity in the 21st century.
As a part of the multi-national state of the PRC, Tibetans can benefit greatly from the rapid economic and scientific development the country is experiencing. While wanting to actively participate and contribute to this development, we want to ensure that this happens without the people losing their Tibetan identity, culture and core values and without putting the distinct and fragile environment of the Tibetan plateau, to which Tibetans are indigenous, at risk.
The uniqueness of the Tibetan situation has consistently been recognised within the PRC and has been reflected in the terms of the ‘17 Point Agreement’ and in statements and policies of successive leaders of the PRC since then, and should remain the basis for defining the scope and structure of the specific autonomy to be exercised by the Tibetan nationality within the PRC. The Constitution reflects a fundamental principle of flexibility to accommodate special situations, including the special characteristics and needs of minority nationalities.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s commitment to seek a solution for the Tibetan people within the PRC is clear and unambiguous. This position is in full compliance and agreement with paramount leader Deng Xiaoping's statement in which he emphasised that except for independence all other issues could be resolved through dialogue. Whereas, we are committed, therefore, to fully respect the territorial integrity of the PRC, we expect the Central Government to recognise and fully respect the integrity of the Tibetan nationality and its right to exercise genuine autonomy within the PRC. We believe that this is the basis for resolving the differences between us and promoting unity, stability and harmony among nationalities.
For Tibetans to advance as a distinct nationality within the PRC, they need to continue to progress and develop economically, socially and politically in ways that correspond to the development of the PRC and the world as a whole while respecting and nurturing the Tibetan characteristics of such development. For this to happen, it is imperative that the right of Tibetans to govern themselves be recognised and implemented throughout the region where they live in compact communities in the PRC, in accordance with the Tibetan nationality’s own needs, priorities and characteristics.
The Tibetan people's culture and identity can only be preserved and promoted by the Tibetans themselves and not by any others. Therefore, Tibetans should be capable of self-help, self-development and self-government, and an optimal balance needs to be found between this and the necessary and welcome guidance and assistance for Tibet from the Central Government and other provinces and regions of the PRC.
IV BASIC NEEDS OF TIBETANS
Subject Matters of Self-government
1) Language
Language is the most important attribute of the Tibetan people’s identity. Tibetan is the primary means of communication, the language in which their literature, their spiritual texts and historical as well as scientific works are written. The Tibetan language is not only at the same high level as that of Sanskrit in terms of grammar, but is also the only one that has the capability of translating from Sanskrit without an iota of error. Therefore, Tibetan language has not only the richest and best-translated literatures, many scholars even contend that it has also the richest and largest number of literary compositions. The Constitution of the PRC, in Article 4, guarantees the freedom of all nationalities “to use and develop their own spoken and written languages ...”.
In order for Tibetans to use and develop their own language, Tibetan must be respected as the main spoken and written language. Similarly, the principal language of the Tibetan autonomous areas needs to be Tibetan.
This principle is broadly recognised in the Constitution in Article 121, which states, “the organs of self-government of the national autonomous areas employ the spoken and written language or language in common use in the locality.” Article 10 of the Law on Regional National Autonomy (LRNA) provides that these organs “shall guarantee the freedom of the nationalities in these areas to use and develop their own spoken and written languages....”
Consistent with the principle of recognition of Tibetan as the main language in Tibetan areas, the LRNA (Article 36) also allows the autonomous government authorities to decide on “the language used in instruction and enrolment procedures” with regard to education. This implies recognition of the principle that the principal medium of education be Tibetan.
2) Culture
The concept of national regional autonomy is primarily for the purpose of preservation of the culture of minority nationalities. Consequently, the constitution of PRC contains references to cultural preservation in Articles 22, 47 and 119 as also in Article 38 of the LRNA. To Tibetans, Tibetan culture is closely connected to our religion, tradition, language and identity, which are facing threats at various levels. Since Tibetans live within the multinational state of the PRC, this distinct Tibetan cultural heritage needs protection through appropriate constitutional provisions.
3) Religion
Religion is fundamental to Tibetans and Buddhism is closely linked to their identity. We recognise the importance of separation of church and state, but this should not affect the freedom and practice of believers. It is impossible for Tibetans to imagine personal or community freedom without the freedom of belief, conscience and religion. The Constitution recognises the importance of religion and protects the right to profess it. Article 36 guarantees all citizens the right to the freedom of religious belief. No one can compel another to believe in or not to believe in any religion. Discrimination on the basis of religion is forbidden.
An interpretation of the constitutional principle in light of international standard would also cover the freedom of the manner of belief or worship. The freedom covers the right of monasteries to be organised and run according to Buddhist monastic tradition, to engage in teachings and studies, and to enroll any number of monks and nuns or age group in accordance with these rules. The normal practice to hold public teachings and the empowerment of large gatherings is covered by this freedom and the state should not interfere in religious practices and traditions, such as the relationship between a teacher and his disciple, management of monastic institutions, and the recognition of reincarnations.
4) Education
The desire of Tibetans to develop and administer their own education system in cooperation and in coordination with the central government’s ministry of education is supported by the principles contained in the Constitution with regard to education. So is the aspiration to engage in and contribute to the development of science and technology. We note the increasing recognition in international scientific development of the contribution which Buddhist psychology, metaphysics, cosmology and the understanding of the mind is making to modern science.
Whereas, under Article 19 of the Constitution the state takes on the overall responsibility to provide education for its citizens, Article 119 recognises the principle that “[T]he organs of self-government of the national autonomous areas independently administer educational .... affairs in their respective areas...” This principle is also reflected in Article 36 of the LRNA.
Since the degree of autonomy in decision-making is unclear, the point to be emphasised is that the Tibetan need to exercise genuine autonomy with regard to its own nationality’s education and this is supported by the principles of the constitution on autonomy.
As for the aspiration to engage in and contribute to the development of scientific knowledge and technology, the Constitution (Article 119) and the LRNA (Article 39) clearly recognise the right of autonomous areas to develop scientific knowledge and technology.
5) Environment Protection
Tibet is the prime source of Asia's great rivers. It also has the earth's loftiest mountains as well as the world's most extensive and highest plateau, rich in mineral resources, ancient forests, and many deep valleys untouched by human disturbances.
This environmental protection practice was enhanced by the Tibetan people's traditional respect for all forms of life, which prohibits the harming of all sentient beings, whether human or animal. Tibet used to be an unspoiled wilderness sanctuary in a unique natural environment.
Today, Tibet's traditional environment is suffering irreparable damage. The effects of this are especially notable on the grasslands, the croplands, the forests, the water resources and the wildlife.
In view of this, according to Articles 45 and 66 of the LNRA, the Tibetan people should be given the right over the environment and allow them to follow their traditional conservation practices.
6) Utilisation of Natural Resources
With respect to the protection and management of the natural environment and the utilisation of natural resources the Constitution and the LRNA only acknowledge a limited role for the organs of self-government of the autonomous areas (see LRNA Articles 27, 28, 45, 66, and Article 118 of the Constitution, which pledges that the state “shall give due consideration to the interests of [the national autonomous areas]]”. The LRNA recognises the importance for the autonomous areas to protect and develop forests and grasslands (Article 27) and to “give priority to the rational exploitation and utilization of the natural resources that the local authorities are entitled to develop”, but only within the limits of state plans and legal stipulations. In fact, the central role of the State in these matters is reflected in the Constitution (Article 9).
The principles of autonomy enunciated in the Constitution cannot, in our view, truly lead to Tibetans becoming masters of their own destiny if they are not sufficiently involved in decision-making on utilisation of natural resources such as mineral resources, waters, forests, mountains, grasslands, etc.
The ownership of land is the foundation on which the development of natural resources, taxes and revenues of an economy are based. Therefore, it is essential that only the nationality of the autonomous region shall have the legal authority to transfer or lease land, except land owned by the state. In the same manner, the autonomous region must have the independent authority to formulate and implement developmental plans concurrent to the state plans.
7) Economic Development and Trade
Economic Development in Tibet is welcome and much needed. The Tibetan people remain one of the most economically backward regions within the PRC.
The Constitution recognises the principle that the autonomous authorities have an important role to play in the economic development of their areas in view of local characteristics and needs (Article 118 of the Constitution, also reflected in LRNA Article 25). The Constitution also recognises the principle of autonomy in the administration and management of finances (Article 117, and LRNA Article 32). At the same time, the Constitution also recognises the importance of providing State funding and assistance to the autonomous areas to accelerate development (Article 122, LRNA Article 22).
Similarly, Article 31 of the LRNA recognises the competence of autonomous areas, especially those such as Tibet, adjoining foreign countries, to conduct border trade as well as trade with foreign countries. The recognition of these principles is important to the Tibetan nationality given the region’s proximity to foreign countries with which the people have cultural, religious, ethnic and economic affinities.
The assistance rendered by the Central Government and the provinces has temporary benefits, but in the long run if the Tibetan people are not self-reliant and become dependent on others it has greater harm. Therefore, an important objective of autonomy is to make the Tibetan people economically self-reliant.
8) Public health
The Constitution enunciates the responsibility of the State to provide health and medical services (Article 21). Article 119 recognises that this is an area of responsibility of the autonomous areas. The LRNA (Article 40) also recognises the right of organs of self-government of the autonomous areas to “make independent decisions on plans for developing local medical and health services and for advancing both modern and the traditional medicine of the nationalities.”
The existing health system fails to adequately cover the needs of the rural Tibetan population. According to the principles of the above-mentioned laws, the regional autonomous organs need to have the competencies and resources to cover the health need of the entire Tibetan population. They also need the competencies to promote the traditional Tibetan medical and astro system strictly according to traditional practice.
9) Public Security
In matters of public security it is important that the majority of security personnel consists of members of the local nationality who understand and respect local customs and traditions.
What is lacking in Tibetan areas is absence of decision-making authority in the hands of local Tibetan officials.
An important aspect of autonomy and self-government is the responsibility for the internal public order and security of the autonomous areas. The Constitution (Article 120) and LRNA (Article 24) recognise the importance of local involvement and authorise autonomous areas to organise their security within "the military system of the State and practical needs and with the approval of the State Council."
10) Regulation on population migration
The fundamental objective of national regional autonomy and self-government is the preservation of the identity, culture, language and so forth of the minority nationality and to ensure that it is the master of its own affairs. When applied to a particular territory in which the minority nationality lives in a concentrated community or communities, the very principle and purpose of national regional autonomy is disregarded if large scale migration and settlement of the majority Han nationality and other nationalities is encouraged and allowed. Major demographic changes that result from such migration will have the effect of assimilating rather than integrating the Tibetan nationality into the Han nationality and gradually extinguishing the distinct culture and identity of the Tibetan nationality. Also, the influx of large numbers of Han and other nationalities into Tibetan areas will fundamentally change the conditions necessary for the exercise of regional autonomy since the constitutional criteria for the exercise of autonomy, namely that the minority nationality “live in compact communities” in a particular territory is changed and undermined by the population movements and transfers. If such migrations and settlements continue uncontrolled, Tibetans will no longer live in a compact community or communities and will consequently no longer be entitled, under the Constitution, to national regional autonomy. This would effectively violate the very principles of the Constitution in its approach to the nationalities issue.
There is precedent in the PRC for restriction on the movement or residence of citizens. There is only a very limited recognition of the right of autonomous areas to work out measures to control “the transient population” in those areas. To us it would be vital that the autonomous organs of self-government have the authority to regulate the residence, settlement and employment or economic activities of persons who wish to move to Tibetan areas from other parts of the PRC in order to ensure respect for and the realisation of the objectives of the principle of autonomy.
It is not our intention to expel the non-Tibetans who have permanently settled in Tibet and have lived there and grown up there for a considerable time. Our concern is the induced massive movement of primarily Han but also some other nationalities into many areas of Tibet, upsetting existing communities, marginalising the Tibetan population there and threatening the fragile natural environment.
11) Cultural, educational and religious exchanges with other countries
Besides the importance of exchanges and cooperation between the Tibetan nationality and other nationalities, provinces, and regions of the PRC in the subject matters of autonomy, such as culture, art, education, science, public health, sports, religion, environment, economy and so forth, the power of autonomous areas to conduct such exchanges with foreign countries in these areas is also recognised in the LRNA (Article 42).
V APPLICATION OF A SINGLE ADMINISTRATION FOR THE TIBETAN NATIONALITY IN THE PRC
In order for the Tibetan nationality to develop and flourish with its distinct identity, culture and spiritual tradition through the exercise of self-government on the above mentioned basic Tibetan needs, the entire community, comprising all the areas currently designated by the PRC as Tibetan autonomous areas, should be under one single administrative entity. The current administrative divisions, by which Tibetan communities are ruled and administered under different provinces and regions of the PRC, foments fragmentation, promotes unequal development, and weakens the ability of the Tibetan nationality to protect and promote its common cultural, spiritual and ethnic identity. Rather than respecting the integrity of the nationality, this policy promotes its fragmentation and disregards the spirit of autonomy. Whereas the other major minority nationalities such as the Uighurs and Mongols govern themselves almost entirely within their respective single autonomous regions, Tibetans remain as if they were several minority nationalities instead of one.
Bringing all the Tibetans currently living in designated Tibetan autonomous areas within a single autonomous administrative unit is entirely in accordance with the constitutional principle contained in Article 4, also reflected in the LRNA (Article 2), that “regional autonomy is practiced in areas where people of minority nationalities live in concentrated communities.” The LRNA describes regional national autonomy as the “basic policy adopted by the Communist Party of China for the solution of the national question in China” and explains its meaning and intent in its Preface:
the minority nationalities, under unified state leadership, practice regional autonomy in areas where they live in concentrated communities and set up organs of self-government for the exercise of the power of autonomy. Regional national autonomy embodies the state’s full respect for and guarantee of the right of the minority nationalities to administer their internal affairs and its adherence to the principle of equality, unity and common prosperity of all nationalities.
It is clear that the Tibetan nationality within the PRC will be able to exercise its right to govern itself and administer its internal affairs effectively only once it can do so through an organ of self-government that has jurisdiction over the Tibetan nationality as a whole.
The LRNA recognises the principle that boundaries of national autonomous areas may need to be modified. The need for the application of the fundamental principles of the Constitution on regional autonomy through respect of the integrity of the Tibetan nationality is not only totally legitimate, but the administrative changes that may be required to achieve this in no way violate constitutional principles. There are several precedents where this has been actually done.
VI THE NATURE AND STRUCTURE OF THE AUTONOMY
The extent to which the right to self-government and self-administration can be exercised on the preceding subject matters largely determines the genuine character of Tibetan autonomy. The task at hand is therefore to look into the manner in which autonomy can be regulated and exercised for it to effectively respond to the unique situation and basic needs of the Tibetan nationality.
The exercise of genuine autonomy would include the right of Tibetans to create their own regional government and government institutions and processes that are best suited to their needs and characteristics. It would require that the People’s Congress of the autonomous region have the power to legislate on all matters within the competencies of the region (that is the subject matters referred to above) and that other organs of the autonomous government have the power to execute and administer decisions autonomously. Autonomy also entails representation and meaningful participation in national decision-making in the Central Government. Processes for effective consultation and close cooperation or joint decision-making between the Central Government and the regional government on areas of common interest also need to be in place for the autonomy to be effective.
A crucial element of genuine autonomy is the guarantee the Constitution or other laws provide that powers and responsibilities allocated to the autonomous region cannot be unilaterally abrogated or changed. This means that neither the Central Government nor the autonomous region’s government should be able, without the consent of the other, to change the basic features of the autonomy.
The parameters and specifics of such genuine autonomy for Tibet that respond to the unique needs and conditions of the Tibetan people and region should be set out in some detail in regulations on the exercise of autonomy, as provided for in Article 116 of the Constitution (enacted in LRNA Article 19) or, if it is found to be more appropriate, in a separate set of laws or regulations adopted for that purpose. The Constitution, including Article 31, provides the flexibility to adopt special laws to respond to unique situations such as the Tibetan one, while respecting the established social, economic and political system of the country.
The Constitution in Section VI provides for organs of self-government of national autonomous regions and acknowledges their power to legislate. Thus Article 116 (enacted in Article 19 of the LRNA) refers to their power to enact “separate regulations in light of the political, economic and cultural characteristics of the nationality or nationalities in the areas concerned.” Similarly, the Constitution recognises the power of autonomous administration in a number of areas (Article 117-120) as well as the power of autonomous governments to apply flexibility in implementing the laws and policies of the Central Government and higher state organs to suit the conditions of the autonomous area concerned (Article 115).
The above-mentioned legal provisions do contain significant limitations to the decision-making authority of the autonomous organs of government. But the Constitution nevertheless recognises the principle that organs of self-government make laws and policy decisions that address local needs and that these may be different from those adopted elsewhere, including by the Central Government.
Although the needs of the Tibetans are broadly consistent with the principles on autonomy contained in the Constitution, as we have shown, their realisation is impeded because of the existence of a number of problems, which makes the implementation of those principles today difficult or ineffective.
Implementation of genuine autonomy, for example, requires clear divisions of powers and responsibilities between the Central Government and the government of the autonomous region with respect to subject matter competency. Currently there is no such clarity and the scope of legislative powers of autonomous regions is both uncertain and severely restricted. Thus, whereas the Constitution intends to recognise the special need for autonomous regions to legislate on many matters that affect them, the requirements of Article 116 for prior approval at the highest level of the Central Government - by the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress (NPC) - inhibit the implementation of this principle of autonomy. In reality, it is only autonomous regional congresses that expressly require such approval, while the congresses of ordinary (not autonomous) provinces of the PRC do not need prior permission and merely report the passage of regulations to the Standing Committee of the NPC “for the record” (Article 100).
The exercise of autonomy is further subject to a considerable number of laws and regulations, according to Article 115 of the Constitution. Certain laws effectively restrict the autonomy of the autonomous region, while others are not always consistent with one another. The result is that the exact scope of the autonomy is unclear and is not fixed, since it is unilaterally changed with the enactment of laws and regulations are higher levels of the state, and even by changes in policy. There is also no adequate process for consultation or for settling differences that arise between the organs of the Central Government and of the regional government with respect to the scope and exercise of autonomy. In practice, the resulting uncertainty limits the initiative of regional authorities and impedes the exercise of genuine autonomy by Tibetans today.
We do not at this stage wish to enter into details regarding these and other impediments to the exercise of genuine autonomy today by Tibetans, but mention them by way of example so that these may be addressed in the appropriate manner in our dialogue in the future. We will continue to study the Constitution and other relevant legal provisions and, when appropriate, will be pleased to provide further analysis of these issues, as we understand them.
VII THE WAY FORWARD
As stated at the beginning of this memorandum, our intention is to explore how the needs of the Tibetan nationality can be met within the framework of PRC since we believe these needs are consistent with the principles of the Constitution on autonomy. As His Holiness the Dalai Lama stated on a number of occasions, we have no hidden agenda. We have no intention at all of using any agreement on genuine autonomy as stepping stone for separation from the PRC.
The objective of the Tibetan Government in Exile is to represent the interests of the Tibetan people and to speak on their behalf. Therefore, it will no longer be needed and will be dissolved once an agreement is reached between us. In fact, His Holiness has reiterated his decision not to accept any political office in Tibet at any time in the future. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, nevertheless, plans to use all his personal influence to ensure such an agreement would have the legitimacy necessary to obtain the support of the Tibetan people.
Given these strong commitments, we propose that the next step in this process be the agreement to start serious discussions on the points raised in this memorandum. For this purpose we propose that we discuss and agree on a mutually agreeable mechanism or mechanisms and a timetable to do so effectively.
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三妹：西藏简要难史重温
文章摘要: 今天的西藏文化惨遭破坏到如此地步，今天西藏人民惨遭屠杀、迫害到如此地步，今天的骚乱和民愤，是谁之罪？！我们是站在受害者一边，还是站在屠杀人民的极权统治者一边？
作者 : 三妹,
發表時間：4/17/2008
西藏人民的传统佛教生活方式、西藏文化经历了元朝蒙古人统治阶段、明朝汉族人统治阶段、清朝满族人统治阶段和一九一一年后民国时代，前后历经八百年，仍保留完好、毫发未损。
但是，这个佛教社会的世外桃源，这个当代佛教三大流派之一的藏传佛教的故乡，却在中共统治下遭到前所未有的灭顶之灾。
一九五 0年十月六日，由军官王其美率领的解放军四万余人分八路向康区首府昌都进攻，只有八千余人的藏军不敌战败，解放军杀死四千余藏军，并于十月二十四日攻占昌都，俘获了住在泽宗山口附近折骨寺的多麦总管阿沛阿旺晋美及其随行人员。
一九五一年五月二十一日，在大军压境的威胁下，西藏政府同意与中共政府达成十七条协议，即《中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏办法的协议》。随后，人民解放军部队大量进驻西藏，中共政府正式取得法理上对西藏的主权。
这时，共产党官方公开表明了它在军事占领西藏后的困难和当务之急，“进军西藏最大的困难是交通和补给问题，人民解放军首要的任务是修通康藏、青藏公路。 ”
一九五四年十二月二十五日，全长4360公里的川藏、青藏公路同时通车拉萨。
川藏、青藏公路的通车解决了中共政府军队交通和补给的后顾之忧，稳定了中共政府对西藏的军事统治，因此，中共政府于一九五六年初开始有恃无恐地在康巴藏区施行“改革”，搞斗争上层，收缴枪支，实行征税，破坏宗教等一系列活动，当地的五十万藏民猎户奋起武装反抗，康巴藏民的反抗很快漫延到其他藏区。为此，中共军队动用军队围剿，并用重炮、空中轰炸机对康巴藏区狂轰滥炸，屠杀藏民不计其数，终于把反抗镇压下去。
一九五八年，中共无视自己和西藏政府签订的“十七条”进藏协议中规定的，不改变西藏人民生活方式的保证，在西藏地区强行推行“人民公社”，进行“ 大跃进”运动，再次遭到西藏人民的强烈反对。一九五九年三月十日，西藏再次发生反抗中共统治的藏民起义。为此，中共出动大批军队屠杀反对实行“人民公社” 的西藏佛教僧人和西藏民众。
在这次所谓平叛中，从五九年三月到九月，在短短半年时间内，中共屠杀了当时一百二十七万藏民人口中的八万七千人！ 藏族万众敬仰的、年仅二十四岁的十四世达赖喇嘛丹增嘉措带领十万多藏民翻过雪山被迫逃亡印度。
五九年后留在西藏、生活在“人民公社”里的藏民终于成为不折不扣的当代农奴。同时，反对达赖喇嘛逃亡、与中共妥协的第十世班禅决定留在西藏，被中共当作「民族团结」象征的花瓶。
被中共任职为人大副委员长的班禅喇嘛尽管妥协容忍，但他在一九六一年视察青海藏区时，看到藏族同胞在六 0至六一年间大量饿死的惨状后，出于良知和责任，他还是忍不住于一九六一年底写出“七万言书”，并于一九六二年五月初由他组织授权译成汉文。书中列举出大量事实，记述了西藏文化如何遭破坏，藏民如何遭迫害，人民公社如何导致藏民大量饿死等诸多在短短几年中藏民惨遭文化、种族灭绝的悲惨状况。
“七万言书”记述到，原有近六十万佛教僧侣中有十一万人被迫害至死，二十五万人被迫还俗。
为此，十世班禅遭到迫害，一九六四年九月十八日至十一月四日，班禅在西藏自治区筹委会第七次扩大会议期间受到了严厉批判，被撤销了西藏自治区筹委会代主任职务，扣上了“反人民、反社会主义、蓄谋叛乱”三顶帽子。一九六八年，十世班禅被捕遭监禁，直到一九七七年十月才被释放。
文革中，藏人的数千所寺庙几乎遭到全部摧毁，仅留下六十几所。
一九八九年一月二十八日，十世班禅在西藏视察文革灾情时突然病逝。因为死得很突然，西藏人心震动，传闻四起。甚至有说班禅喇嘛是被陪同他返日喀则的胡锦涛下令毒死的。三月五日拉萨爆发了自一九五九年以来最大规模的流血冲突，骚乱持续了两日。
中共认定此事是西藏独立的先兆，遂大开杀戒镇压。当时担任西藏自治区党委书记的胡锦涛头戴钢盔在拉萨街头指挥戒严部队屠杀。这次镇压后，作为藏族知识份子的僧人遭到大清洗，仅桑东巴日寺就有二百多名僧人被赶走。（摘自王静雯《西藏咏叹调》）。另据当时在西藏的中国记者唐达宪说：“当时的镇压使四百余西藏人被集体屠杀，几千人受伤，三千余人被逮捕。” 而中国政府却声称只有十一人死亡。（参见《中共统治下的西藏人权》）
今天，从二00八年三月十日至今，在北京要举办奥运前，为了让世界知道，西藏没有自由、西藏没有自治的真相，西藏人民再次抗争。中共又再开杀戒，已知被屠杀藏人达一百四十多人。
冰冻三尺，绝非一日之寒。今天的骚乱和民愤，谁是始作俑者？谁是罪魁祸首、灾难之源？今天的西藏文化惨遭破坏到如此地步，今天的西藏人民惨遭屠杀、迫害到如此地步，谁之罪？我们是站在受害者一边，还是站在屠杀人民的极权统治者一边？这是每个国人都必须面对的问题与选择。
二00八年四月十七日
二00八年四月二十二日再稿
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